Is Wilbur R. a real person? Hard to say . . .
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Over the years, I've concluded that the obvious contrast between gloomy, dour liberals and cheerful conservatives has less to do with the reassuring influence of right-wing ideas than it does with the unfailingly depressing impact of leftist thinking. Over the past thirty years, the liberal project has emphasized national guilt over past American atrocities; competitive claims of victimhood from various aggrieved groups; reports of impending environmental disaster threatening the future of the earth itself; the helplessness of ordinary people in the face of cruel corporate elites; the impossibility of racial justice without preferential treatment for oppressed minorities; the doomed, outmoded nature of traditional marriage, conventional religious faith, and other sources of common comfort; and a constant sense of dire crisis which justifies the sweeping, radical governmental initiatives that the left considers our only hope. Good news and self-confidence present existential threats to "progressive" activists. If people feel happy in their private lives and personal arrangements, then why would they need the thoroughgoing transformation of society and its fundamental institutions that left-wing agitators invariably demand? For the true believers of the liberal faith, discontent, restlessness, and rage amount to far more than useful political tools; they provide the very basis for their philosophical orientation (230-231).There are 35 chapters ("lessons") in the book. It's a true autobiography in the sense that he begins at the beginning, i.e., with the story of his immigrant ancestors who emigrated to America from Eastern Europe (the Ukraine), their hardships and sorrows, the almost miraculous birth of his (Medved's) father, his own childhood and upbringing, first in Philadelphia, then in San Diego, and ultimately in Los Angeles, where he thrived intellectually and precociously (if not socially) and began his college career at Yale at the age of 16. There are fascinating, almost Forrest Gump-like encounters throughout his young adult life with people and situations that represent significant milestones in American politics (most interesting to me were his warm friendship with Hillary Rodham and his political activism in support of Robert Kennedy's candidacy for president. Medved was at present at the Ambassador Hotel the night Kennedy was shot).
Though a lackadaisical apostate at the time, I read Roe v. Wade at the suggestion of Jeremy Rabkin (then one of Cornell's few conservative professors), and found myself thinking, This can't be right. I listened over the years as one hyphenated kind of feminist after another sounded weirdly full-throated cheers for the routine trashing of what was obviously some form of human life . . . and just as repeatedly I thought: This can't be right either.
This can't be right: an intuitionist phrase does not a political philosophy make. But what started for me and, I believe, many other people weighing the real legacy of Roe went on to become something more--a ground-up rethinking of many other political facts that supposedly enlightened people regarded as self-evident, and that turned out on inspection to be be anything but (19-20).Of the twelve writers describing their political journeys rightward, the ones I enjoyed the most were Richard Starr ("Killer Rabbits and the Continuing Crisis"); David Brooks ("Confessions of a Greenwich Village Conservative"); Dinesh D'Souza ("Recollections of a Campus Renegade"--funny!), Stanley Kurtz ("Pig Heads"--disturbing discussion about how the left took over academia and how it silences "true," i.e., classical liberals). Peter Berkowitz also writes about the importance of "conserving liberalism, properly understood." Liberalism, that is, as distinct from leftism. Berkowitz writes:
Of course, the liberalism to which I refer is not what everybody understands by the term. In the United States, a liberal is a man or woman of the left, a progressive, who wants government to take an aggressive role in combating market imperfections and social inequities by ensuring all citizens a robust level of material and moral well-being...On the other side of the Atlantic, a liberal is a kind of conservative, a libertarian and free marketeer, who wishes to firmly limit government regulation of the economy and morals in order to emancipate individual creativity and drive...This larger liberalism refers not to a political party but to a centuries-old tradition of political thought and order. The liberal tradition is defined above all by the moral premise that founds it, which is that human beings are by nature free and equal, and the political premise that directs it, which is that the purpose of government is to secure the individual freedom shared equally by all (246).At the end is a bibliography (next up: Allan Bloom's The Closing of the American Mind). Reading these essays, on the heels of Michael Medved's extraordinarily detailed, beautifully written autobiography, I realize there are many brilliant, educated, intelligent conservatives out there, writing, publishing, researching, speaking, working tirelessly to promote and advance conservative ideals and policies. It's a shame that more of these individuals are not only not given more prominence or respect, but are mocked, ridiculed, dismissed as irrelevant or fanatical. The caricature of the right-wing lunatic, the racist, the bigoted, the narrow-minded, conservative is just that: a caricature. How wrong, how inaccurate, that caricature.
"Give this man all of the power that he needs to pass the things that he needs to pass"
(Gwyneth Paltrow, speaking at a fund raiser at her house for Barack Obama).I wanted to include her in my (growing) list of "useful idiots," but Paltrow strikes me as nothing more than a foolish, fatuous, vacuous, unschooled, ignorant person, so I didn't want to dignify her with the designation. Now, though, reading this article by Steve McCann, published a couple of years ago, I suppose I should go ahead and upgrade her status to "useful." As McCann explains, the term "useful idiot" was coined "by the leaders of the Soviet Union to describe those in the West who naively promoted the cause of Russian Communism when in reality they were held in contempt and were being cynically used by the Soviet hierarchy." Now, he remarks, the term aptly applies to "a vast swath of citizens in the United States who have been cynically used by the hardcore left for a cause they are unwilling to understand." He continues:
Among the mysteries confronting those of us who have immigrated to the United States from countries that have experienced the devastating outcome of socialist/Marxist ideology [McCann apparently came to America as a child in 1952, but I don't know from where], is why seemingly successful and educated people could be so easily swayed to support those whose end-game is to transform the country into a socialist "utopia" and to control the day-to-day lives of all Americans. Among these "useful idiots" are a seeming majority of the Jewish population as well as many in business, and nearly all in the entertainment industry.So yes, Ms. Paltrow, it appears you are, in fact, a useful idiot after all, along with Maxine Waters and Ben Affleck.
"Islamic State Publication Seeks to Justify Slavery and Sexual Abuse" (by David Zucchino, Los Angeles Times, October 14, 2014).
The year 1776, celebrated as the birth year of the nation and for the signing of the Declaration of Independence, was for those who carried the fight for independence forward a year of all-too-few victories, of sustained suffering, disease, hunger, desertion, cowardice, disillusionment, defeat, terrible discouragement, and fear, as they would never forget, but also of phenomenal courage and bedrock devotion to country, and that, too, they would never forget.
Especially for those who had been with Washington and who knew what a close call it was at the beginning--how often circumstance, storms, contrary winds, the oddities of strengths of individual character had made the difference, the outcome seemed little short of a miracle.This is probably one of the best books I've ever read.
• Theft is punishable by amputation of the right hand.* Note: I found the above list of Sharia laws on a website called BillionBibles. The link has a picture of a severed hand next to a Koran, so I decided not to link it here.
• Criticizing or denying any part of the Quran is punishable by death.
• Criticizing or denying Muhammad is a prophet is punishable by death.
• Criticizing or denying Allah, the moon god of Islam is punishable by death.
• A Muslim who becomes a non-Muslim is punishable by death.
• A non-Muslim who leads a Muslim away from Islam is punishable by death.
• A non-Muslim man who marries a Muslim woman is punishable by death.
• A man can marry an infant girl and consummate the marriage when she is 9 years old.
• Girls' clitoris should be cut (per Muhammed's words in Book 41, Kitab Al-Adab, Hadith 5251).
• A woman can have 1 husband, but a man can have up to 4 wives; Muhammed can have more.
• A man can unilaterally divorce his wife but a woman needs her husband's consent to divorce.
• A man can beat his wife for insubordination.
• Testimonies of four male witnesses are required to prove rape against a woman.
• A woman who has been raped cannot testify in court against her rapist(s).
• A woman's testimony in court, allowed only in property cases, carries half the weight of a man's.
• A female heir inherits half of what a male heir inherits.
• A woman cannot drive a car, as it leads to fitnah (upheaval).
• A woman cannot speak alone to a man who is not her husband or relative.
• Meat to be eaten must come from animals that have been sacrificed to Allah.
• Muslims should engage in Taqiyya and lie to non-Muslims to advance Islam.
Early this year in the Syrian city of Raqqah, capital of the self-styled caliphate, local women formed the Khansa Militia, an armed morality squad whose job one anti-Islamic State activist summed up as "detaining and whipping." The militia counts many foreigners among its ranks, said the activist, who asked that his name be withheld for security reasons. The women, armed with handguns and rifles, drive around the city looking for violators of Islamic State's severe interpretation of Islam. During one raid, the militia detained several high school students and teachers for such transgressions as wearing niqabs that were too transparent, having visible eyebrows or wearing a hair clip under the hijab. Each one was whipped 30 times, said another activist in Raqqah.
How do you go from nothing to something? How do you face the blank page without fainting dead away? To start a narrative, you need a batch of things. Not feelings, not opinions, not sentiments, not judgments, not arguments, but specific objects and events: a cat, a spider web, a mess of insect skeletons, a candle, a book about Rimbaud, a burning moth.What do you do with these things? You juggle them. You toss them around . . . you need bits of the world to toss around. You start anywhere, and join the bits into a pattern by your writing about them. Later you can throw out the ones that don't fit.
[Revising] requires . . . nerves of steel and lots of coffee.It doesn't hurt much to babble in a first draft, so long as you have the sense to cut out irrelevancies later.The most inept writing has an inadvertent element of suspense: the reader constantly asks himself, where on earth is this going?Usually I end up throwing away the beginning: the first part of a poem, the first few pages of an essay, the first scene of a story, even the first few chapters of a book. It's not holy writ.Revising is a breeze if you know what you're doing--if you can look at your text coldly, analytically, manipulatively.
I try to give the reader a story, or at least a scene (the flimsiest narrative occasion will serve), and something to look at.I try not to hang on to the reader's arm and bore him with my life story, my fancy self-indulgent writing, or my opinions. He is my guest; I try to entertain him. Or he'll throw my pages across the room and turn on the television.
First draft, narrative paragraph. |
Revised draft, narrative paragraph. |
Obama's Untruth, Inc., by Victor Davis HansonThere is a story about Mr. Obama relevant to the war, battle or whatever he declared Wednesday evening against the Islamic State, aka ISIS. It is found in his former campaign manager David Plouffe's account of the 2008 election, "The Audacity to Win." Mr. Plouffe writes that during an earlier election race, Mr. Obama had a "hard time allowing his campaign staff to take more responsibility." To which Barack Obama answered: "I think I could probably do every job on the campaign better than the people I'll hire to do it."Audacity indeed. In a 2008 New Yorker article by Ryan Lizza, Mr. Obama is quoted telling another aide: "I know more about policies on any particular issue than my policy directors." Also, "I think I'm a better speechwriter than my speechwriters."And here we are.In the days before Mr. Obama's ISIS address to the nation, news accounts cataloged his now-embarrassing statements about terrorism's decline on his watch—the terrorists are JV teams, the tide of war is receding and all that.What we now know is that Mr. Obama is not even close to being his own best Secretary of State, his own best Secretary of Defense, his own best national security adviser or his own best CIA director. The question is: Does he know it? Can a humbling experience of such startling proportions have sunk in? It had better. What the U.S. needs if it is to prevail in the battle Mr. Obama put forth Wednesday is the genuine article of presidential leadership. What the U.S. does not need in the Oval Office is a utility infielder playing everyone else's position. We are competing against global terrorism's heaviest hitters, who have established state seizure as a strategic goal.If Mr. Obama still thinks he's better than Susan Rice, John Kerry, Chuck Hagel, and John Brennan, then he and the nation supporting his anti-ISIS effort are being poorly served.
Obama’s prevaricating has lost him any thought of a legacy, all the more so because for years as a candidate and as president he pontificated about his new transparency and the need for executive candor — itself an untruth at best, and at worst a cynical ploy to provide cover for a deliberate effort to enact policies that could not be honestly presented to the American people.
The two fuels that run Untruth, Inc., are, first, a realization that most of the president’s policies, whether deliberately or as a result of indifference and laziness, run counter to what most Americans support, and, second, a media establishment so invested in his agenda that it will not call the administration to account. So the engine of lying keeps humming.
On any given day the president of the United States can step up to the teleprompter amid the latest disaster and swear that he did not do what he just did, or insist that someone else, not he, did the dastardly deed, or simply skip over recent history and make things up. The press at first quibbles, then nods in agreement, and Obama is empowered to do it again and again. We have not seen such a disingenuous president since Richard Nixon — but he, at least, was countered rather than enabled by the media.